Crossover restrictions, A-bar pronouns and discourse antecedents

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    Abstract

    The difference between weak crossovers and weakest crossovers is usually derived from a distinction between quantifiers and non-quantifiers (Lasnik & Stowell 1991). In this paper I will derive crossover restrictions from a new example set, long movement constructions with Dutch A-bar pronouns. Besides question wh-pronouns and relative pronouns, the set of Dutch A-bar pronouns includes topic d-pronouns not available in English. I will argue that A-bar pronouns constitute a uniform set of quantifiers, be it quantifiers with a discourse antecedent. To explain the present analysis, I take the proposals of Safir (2004) and Ruys (2004) as a starting point. A major difference between these approaches and my own is that my analysis will make a distinction between strong crossovers on the one hand versus weak and weakest crossovers on the other hand, whereas it is more usual to see a related explanation for strong and weak crossovers versus weakest crossovers.
    Original languageEnglish
    Pages (from-to)88 –104
    JournalLinguistics in the Netherlands
    Volume32
    Issue number1
    DOIs
    Publication statusPublished - 2015

    Keywords

    • crossover restrictions
    • coreference
    • binding
    • dependency
    • A-bar pronouns
    • topic d-pronoun
    • discourse antecedent

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